Stupid Loyalists

:icon_lol:

They've started using Martin Luthor King, comparing their 'cause' to the Blacks in America.

Look at the first reply.

Stupid *.

 

The.funny thing about that comment is she definitely isn't slegging. She is one of the most vile orange whores out there.

Wonder what MLK would think of those supremacist fuckpigs.

 

Laughter is the only response I can come up with to this nonsense.

 

You have to wonder what the future holds for these clowns.









Catholics thrive while these morons fixate on flags and bonfires.

 

I blame the schools.

Those taig schools and their voodoo need looked at pronto. WATP.

 

Loyalists are inherently stupid.

Now when there is a bit of equality in the country they are wayyyy down the pecking order.

 

It's obviously Sinn Fein and their cultural war...:smiley-laughing002:

 

That * * of an education minister O'Dowd is obviously colluding with the vatican with the intention of ethnically cleansing the Protestant people.

Stay strong brethren. * Frazer is working tirelessly to stop the new * order engulfing the whole of planet earth.

FTP GSTQ

 

Aye Willie has the whole thing sussed.

 

Malcom X would have been a better role model for them.

He believed that their should be segregation of the black/white communities, something that the loyalist would be in total favor of if you swap that for Catholic/Protestant.

 

They just refuse to evolve.

Catholics went out and got an education cos they couldn't get jobs, now they are reaping the benefits and running the show.

Only a matter of time before a united Ireland you'd think.

 

I really do not think the poor educational record for Protestant school children, or the socialisation of those children into the Loyalist "culture" is a funny thing or a matter of Catholic point-scoring...

 

He argued that blacks should have a separate state because,based on their treatment and the States actions up until then,it was impossible for them to receive equal rights in the white dominated and racist society of the USA.

His views regarding segregation started to change after his pilgrimage to Mecca and his break from the Nation of Islam.

 

http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2004/jan/10/northernireland.race

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Racist war of the loyalist street gangs

Orchestrated attacks on minorities raise fears of ethnic cleansing

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• Angelique Chrisafis, Ireland correspondent
• The Guardian, Saturday 10 January 2004 02.12 GMT

Not far from the red, white and blue paving stones, the Ku Klux Klan graffiti and the "Chinks out" notices scratched outside south Belfast Chinese takeaways, Hua Long Lin was at home watching television when a man burst in and smashed a brick into his face. His wife, also in the room, was eight months pregnant. The couple had moved into the terrace two weeks before. Neighbours expressed regret but one white family told a community worker they couldn't offer a Chinese family friendship in public or they would be "bricked" too.
"It's like * Germany," they explained.
Northern Ireland, which is 99% white, is fast becoming the race-hate capital of Europe. It holds the UK's record for the highest rate of racist attacks: spitting and stoning in the street, human excrement on doorsteps, swastikas on walls, pipe bombs, arson, the ransacking of houses with baseball bats and crow bars, and white supremacist leaflets nailed to front doors.
Over 200 incidents were reported to police in the past nine months, although many victims don't bother complaining any more.
But in the past weeks, fear has deepened. Protestant working-class neighbourhoods are showing a pattern of orchestrated house attacks aimed at "ethnically cleansing" minority groups.
It is happening in streets run by loyalist paramilitaries, where every Chinese takeaway owner already pays protection money and racists have plentiful access to guns. The spectre of Catholics being systematically burnt out of similar areas during the Troubles hangs in the air.
So-called peace walls between Protestant and Catholic communities are graffitied with swastikas and signs that read "keep the streets white".
Both local unionists and Sinn Féin warned this week that someone is likely to be killed or burned alive in their home if the campaign does not stop. But there are no signs of it abating.
The Village in south Belfast is a run-down network of loyalist terraces where unemployment is high, union flags sag from lampposts and almost every family has a link to loyalist paramilitaries.
In post-peace process Northern Ireland, communities like this are more segregated than ever - through choice. Last year, five student houses, home to mixed Protestants and Catholics, were attacked until they were vacated. The siege mentality against "outsiders" is rife.
In the past eight weeks, pregnant Chinese women and new mothers have been forced out of terraces and over a dozen Chinese people have been attacked. The Chinese community, the largest ethnic minority in Northern Ireland, has been in Belfast since the 1960s, but there are rumours that a "quota" on new arrivals is being enforced. Last month, Ugandan and Romanian families were burned out.
Many elderly Chinese people do not now leave their homes after 3pm. The best they can hope for is an egg or ice-cream cone thrown in their face or their shopping bags stolen.
This week, in the shadow of a paramilitary mural, a six-foot plank was hurled through the front window of the home of a Pakistani woman who was eight months pregnant. The spot where she and her brother-in-law had eaten dinner 20 minutes before was sprayed with glass. They had moved into the house 12 hours earlier.
The UVF and the UDA have denied paramilitary involvement but some suggest it could be "rogue elements" within their ranks with far right sympathies. One local newspaper has suggested the attacks began after a Chinese restaurant owner refused to pay protection money.
There has always been a crossover of far right groups with loyalist paramilitarism, while small racist groups are said to respect the loyalists and style themselves as "paramilitary groupies". Combat 18 is written in marker pen near Chinese takeaways in the Village and groups such as the White Nationalist party have penetrated elsewhere, threatening one anti-racist activist.
The British National party recently announced it is to field candidates in Belfast's next council elections to capitalise on feeling against the tiny number of asylum seekers arriving. The party is not thought to have stoked the attacks, although it will capitalise on the aftermath.
One local estate agent said yesterday that he had been visited by a group he thought were paramilitaries telling him not to rent another house to "Chinese, blacks or Asians". Ten of his tenants were forced out last year.
Desmond Birnie, a local Ulster Unionist assembly member, said: "The pattern of these attacks suggests that we are seeing a rerun, albeit on a smaller scale, of the tactics used by the Nazis in the 1930s."
Across Belfast, Sara - not her real name - sat behind closed curtains in her terraced house. Her front window is regularly painted with KKK, "black people out" and "I hate *" slogans. A Zimbabwean businesswoman in her 30s, she never opens her curtains to let natural light into the house, as the sight of her in the living room is a provocation to local teenagers. The shouting through her letterbox becomes unbearable.
"Sometimes when I'm in the bedroom, I see an egg hit the window and slide down. The writing on the window is replaced whenever we clean it off. Often I just leave it there. It has happened continually for seven months.
"Initially we wanted to move. We called the police. Then we realised it's happening everywhere in Belfast. There is nowhere to run to," she said.
There are 4,000-5,000 Muslims in Northern Ireland, most born locally, but there is no purpose-built mosque for fear of attacks. The community worships in converted houses it can barely squeeze into.
Last year, planning permission was denied in the Protestant-dominated area surrounding Portadown amid a local campaign warning people that residents would be "kept awake by wailing".
Planning permission has now been granted but the mosque won't be built, as the community is too afraid. In the past eight months at least eight families have been forced from their homes.
One family was shot at through their kitchen window, a number of Muslims were stabbed, one was left in a coma after a beating, others have had legs and noses broken. The community avoids speaking out. Whenever it is quoted in the media, the attacks get worse.
"The imam had to leave Northern Ireland after a gang of 10 smashed his windows and doors in, and told him he should get out," said Jamal Iweida, who runs the Islamic Centre in Belfast. "It's a matter of time before we have a fatal attack.
"The attacks are increasing. I can feel the atmosphere on the street. I have to be prepared to be called names at least once a day. I have a beard so I'm called Bin Laden or Saddam Hussein, or I'm told '* go home'."
Duncan Morrow, of the Community Relations Council, said Northern Ireland, traditionally a place of emigration that outsiders avoided for 30 years during the Troubles, now cannot cope with the reality of multiculturalism.
He describes a culture of sectarianism that tolerates violence in young men. Racism has always run alongside it but is only now being noticed.
He said: "We have a lazy toleration of racism in this community. The situation now [in Northern Ireland] is what might have happened in Britain in the 1950s."
Members of the Chinese community talk of children being mercilessly bullied and ostracised, even a Chinese boy who won musician of the year. The political parties are under pressure to formulate some tough anti-racist policies to a community where racial discrimination legislation was only introduced 10 years ago.
But most of all, Belfast waits for the loyalist paramilitary leadership, which controls the working-class communities and young lads who live in fear of punishment beatings, to make a statement or move which shows the attacks will not be tolerated.

 

Northern Ireland: the capital of ‘race hate’?

The attacks on Romanian migrants are shocking, but they are not evidence of any widespread virulent racism.
B
18 June 2009
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elfast is in the media spotlight again – this time for attacks on Romanian migrant workers rather than for sectarian violence or fringe paramilitary activity.
There is still no full, reliable account of what happened in south Belfast. What we do know is that the homes of families from Romania were attacked by local youths at the weekend. Some of their windows were smashed and the families were threatened and taunted with racist abuse and * slogans.
On Monday this week, local people organised a demonstration opposing the attacks and in support of the Romanian families; this demo was also attacked by youths throwing bottles and shouting racist abuse. On Tuesday evening the Romanian families – 115 men, women and children in total – were evacuated from their homes and spent the night in a local church hall. On Wednesday they were taken to a local leisure centre.
Many questions remain. Who is responsible for the attacks? (There have been uncorroborated reports that some Romanians were threatened at gunpoint, which, if true, suggests loyalist paramilitary involvement; however, local loyalists strenuously deny any role.) Have Romanians been singled out, or have people from other backgrounds living in the same area also been attacked? Were the police too slow in responding to the Romanians’ complaints of intimidation?
While waiting for more details to emerge, it is worth commenting on one theme that has resurfaced in response to the attacks. In recent years, the idea that racism is replacing sectarianism in Northern Ireland has become widespread. Across the political spectrum and throughout the media, it is frequently said that ‘racism is the new sectarianism’.
So on Wednesday, Democratic Unionist Jeffrey Donaldson, in his stand-in role as First Minister in the Stormont Assembly, told reporters that ‘we need to make it very clear that just as sectarianism has been responsible for violence in the past, and we want to leave that behind, we have to be equally clear that racism cannot become the new sectarianism’. Slugger O’Toole, Northern Ireland’s most respected current affairs blog, captioned its comment on the incidents in south Belfast: ‘When sectarianism mutates into open racism…’.
Northern Ireland’s anti-racist activists put forward similar arguments, claiming that the British National Party (BNP) and Combat 18 are winning support among young loyalists who would previously have devoted their energies to sectarian attacks. How true is it that racism is rising in Northern Ireland, and is taking over from where sectarianism left off?
Rise in racism

It is true that, since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, there has been an increase in the number of racist incidents recorded by the police – but before denouncing Northern Ireland as a cesspit of racism, it pays to look at all of the figures in full.
In 1998-99, the first year that figures were recorded, there were 93 racist incidents; five years later, in 2003-04, this had risen almost fivefold to 453. Last year there were 990 recorded incidents.
These figures are shocking; one racist incident is one too many. Reporters and commentators have combined these figures with human-interest stories of ethnic minorities and migrant workers suffering intimidation in order to portray Northern Ireland as the ‘race hate capital of Europe’.
Northern Ireland has undergone remarkable changes since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement more than 10 years ago. It has shifted from being a country of net outward migration to a country of net inward migration. Since 2001, and particularly since European Union enlargement in 2004, there has been a significant increase in the number of migrant workers coming to Northern Ireland. The largest movement has been from Poland, but large numbers of migrant workers have also come from the Philippines (mostly to work as nurses in the National Health Service) and from India. This has been quite dramatic for a part of the world where for so long a vast majority of people were white and English-speaking. Yet despite media claims, this change in Northern Ireland has been relatively trouble-free.
When the number of recorded racist incidents is set against the even more dramatic rise in immigration from Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa and the Middle East, it tells a different story than that promoted in the media. There has been an increase in minority immigrants in Northern Ireland from 534 in 2000-01 to 12,255 in 2005-06. My graph below plots the two sets of figures: for recorded racist incidents (blue line) and for number of immigrants (pink line). It shows that the absolute number of racial incidents has increased year on year, as indicated by the rising blue line; but it also shows that the number of racist incidents relative to the number of new immigrants has actually decreased. In other words, an immigrant was far less likely to be on the receiving end of a racist incident in 2005-06 than he was in 2000-01, even though there were more incidents in 2005-06.

racial incidents and immigrant population, Northern Ireland
The ‘rise of racism’ argument effectively says that there is more racism in Northern Ireland because there are more immigrants. This is similar to the old racist argument that there was no problem with racism in Britain until black people came here. Yet the graph I have produced suggests that most immigrants to Northern Ireland have settled in without experiencing racial harassment, and that the more immigrants there are the more likely this will be the case.
Race hate

The media focus has been, not on understanding changing social processes in Northern Ireland, but on the pain, fear and anguish of the victims and the hate of the perpetrators. Thus it is claimed that, just as many in Northern Ireland were consumed by irrational sectarianism during the years of conflict, now they are consumed by irrational racism. People’s deeply ingrained need to hate something or someone has simply moved on to a new target, we’re told.
This patronising view is part of a broader shift that has promoted a depoliticised view of sectarian conflict and tensions in Northern Ireland. The peace process, instituted in the early 1990s and formalised with the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, has represented a shift from understanding the conflict in Northern Ireland as being primarily political – concerning issues such as national self-determination, civil rights and freedom from state repression – to understanding it as primarily cultural and psychological, concerning community relations, sectarian mindsets, and the need to recognise and respect identities.
This shift is mirrored in the changing understanding of racism in Britain, which has moved from focusing on structural inequalities, such as immigration controls, to focusing on the problem of racist thugs and general racist attitudes. In this view, state institutions are part of the solution while the most marginalised sections of the indigenous British population – the white ‘chav’ working classes in Britain and young loyalists in Northern Ireland – are the problem, which needs to be controlled.
The focus on thugs allows state bodies to pose as the anti-racists today. There have been some criticisms of the police’s handling of the situation in south Belfast; they have been accused of not responding quickly enough, which may well be true. Yet no one has questioned the police’s role in the evacuation of the Romanians. A number of local anti-racists have, quite rightly, pointed out that if the Romanians leave Northern Ireland as a result of the attacks (an option which seems increasingly likely since their evacuation), then this will send a message to racists that their intimidation works. The police, however, seem to view the whole incident in the managerial terms of ‘community safety’ and as a useful PR exercise, ensuring that there were numerous cameraman ready to capture scenes of the evacuation and interview the Romanians when they were in police safety. As Superintendent Chris Noble put it:

 

A selection of these attacks and convictions are presented below:

• 12 October 2013: The new home of a Zimbabwean family was daubed with racist graffiti in an overnight attack in Loyalist Bloomfield Drive in East Belfast. The family was due to move into the house, having moved from another part of Belfast due to racism. The PSNI confirmed they were treating the attack – in which ‘No Blacks’ was painted on the front of the property – as a racially-motivated hate crime. (Belfast Telegraph, 17 October 2013)
• 25 September 2013: A hatchet was thrown through the window of a family home in Loyalist Sandy Row area of south-central Belfast. Nigerian mother of two, Adenike Yisa, who had been resident in Northern Ireland for almost ten years but only lived in Sandy Row for a year, was on the sofa in the living room when a hatchet was smashed through the window. Speaking to the Guardian about the attack she said, ‘I was really, really upset,’ she said. ‘I have never been in that situation in my life. I only moved into that house about a year ago and never had any trouble. When I heard the noise I thought it was a shot, then I saw the axe or hatchet and the big hole in my window. I was screaming at the top of my voice and shaking like a leaf. Luckily my children were in their rooms. I didn’t see whoever did this, but think it was because of the colour of my skin.’ The PSNI confirmed they were treating the attack as a racially-motivated hate crime. (Guardian, 25 September 2013)
• 18 September 2013: At the trial of Gary Smyth, Lithuanian residents in Dungannon, County Tyrone, expressed their terror stemming from repeated attacks on their homes. Smyth (30), faced charges of criminal damage, disorderly behaviour, attempted intimidation and threats to kill. Testifying at the High Court in Belfast, the Lithuanian residents told how paint was thrown over three of their cars, a brick was thrown through the front window of a home, and a swastika was daubed on the garage door alongside racist graffiti declaring ‘non-nationals must go’. A Lithuanian woman, claiming to have recognised Mr Smyth outside her property on 25 August 2013, alleged he ran across the street shouting ‘* *, * foreigners, get out now.’ Refusing bail, found him guilty of ‘violent conduct, terrorising innocent people on the basis of their race.’ (Mid-Ulster Mail, 18 September 2013). Mr. Smyth was previously remanded in custody in 2004 following allegations that he was in possession of a petrol bomb and also throwing a petrol bomb with intent to damage the property of Dungannon District Council and cause personal injury to local people and non-nationals. The charges related to an alleged incident in Dungannon town centre when a device was thrown at a group of Portuguese people. No one was injured in the attack at Market Square as the device burnt itself out. (BBC News, 16 August 2004)
• 19 August 2013: The home of a Nigerian man in Loyalist East Belfast was vandalised and daubed in racist graffiti in an overnight attack. A window and a door pane were broken at the rented property, with ‘No Blacks’ painted several times on the front of the house. Although a resident of Belfast for eight years, the 27-year-old Nigerian national had only been living at the residence for a few days before the attack. Speaking to UTV News, the man expressed his desire to move out of the property in the aftermath, saying, ‘It feels horrible. I’ve been living in Belfast for eight years and I’ve never experienced anything like this before. It’s scary to be honest. Ever since I moved here, I have been working every day. To experience something like this it just makes you want to move out. They should be ashamed of themselves. Being a black human person living in Belfast, if that’s a crime, that’s the only crime I’ve committed.’ (UTV News, 19 August 2013)
• 18 August 2013: A number of cars, a wall and a flat were daubed in racist graffiti in the Loyalist Coolcush Court and Lisnaclin Court areas of Dungannon. Inspector Jamieson of the PSNI, treating the incident as a hate crime, condemned the attack and appealed for witnesses, saying, ‘This is a mindless and shameful attack on innocent members of the community and I would urge anyone with information to come forward.’ (Tyrone Times, 23 August 2013)
• 17 August 2013: A male parking attendant in the Market Street area of Armagh was racially abused and pushed by a man. The victim, who had worked in the city for several months, was offered support by the Northern Ireland Council for Ethnic Minorities (NICEM) following the attack. (Ulster Gazette, 22 August 2013)
• 10 June, 2013: Two men, including a footballer who had played for the Northern Ireland junior international team, were jailed for a racist attack on a Polish man, Damien Wesolowski, in East Belfast. On 13 July 2011, the two men – Ryan Newberry (23), a Glentoran footballer, and David Wilton (25) – vandalised the house of Mr Wesolowski, kicking in the front door of the property and smashing a window. They then chased the victim from his home into the street where they left him lying semi-conscious after assaulting him. Mr Wesolowski, who had been beaten about the head and face, sustained serious injuries – including lacerations to the nose and mouth, suspected fractures and bruising. Sentencing the pair, the judge concluded the attack had ‘severe racist and sectarian overtones’. Newberry and Wilton were sentenced to 18 months and 21 months respectively. (BBC News, 10 June 2013)
• 23 May, 2013: The day after the murder of Lee Rigby, the Belfast Islamic Centre was subject to a paint-bomb attack. According to witnesses, two teenage boys were seen running from the scene, in Wellington Park, at approximately 10pm. The PSNI treatied the incident as a hate crime.

 

I'd love to know why so many immigrants move into loyalist areas, they are among the most bitter, racist hate filled people on this earth. Anyone who isn't 'white pradestant' is a target for these scumbags. It's funny tho that they want these people to go home yet most don't realise they are the descendants of the planters of Ulster. Irony overload.

 

Do immigrants move into Loyalist areas more often than they move into Nationalist areas or do these instances just make the news more often ?

 

There scum discussed reading that